the relationship of organization and the Baha’i identity is of the important issues of Bahaism domain. In this topic, there is a difference between the Baha’i mass and the distinguished Baha’i class. The Baha’i heads, the educated and oligarchy don’t believe in Baha’i teachings very much and they are Baha’is organizationally in identity. They haven’t believed in the proselytizing ideology of Bahaism and Hussein Ali Nouri’s claiming for prophethood naively.
These people who are often born in a Baha’i descendants and need more organizational supports for political and economic growth have merely organizational relationship due to their interests and relations. They aren’t Baha’i in belief, but They are Baha’i in individuality. To figure out the behavior and personality of these people, psychological, social and organizational issues are needed rather than ideological and theological ones. These people are irreligious theologically, but they are Baha’is organizationally and in ide identity. For example, most senior managers of Pahlavi periods of time.
Amir Abbas Hoveyda and Parviz Sabeti are important examples of these people. Hoveyda belonged to the Baha’is who were of oligarchy who had close relationships with Bala’i heads. His ancestor was Mirza Reza Qannad who resided in Shiraz City. He joined Babism since youth and advocated Hussein Ali Nouri in next transformations.
He (Mirza Reza Qannad) was along with Hussein Ali in Acre and was of close relatives of Abdul Baha. He died and was buried there. His offspring was Mirza Habib Allah, Hoveyda’s father who spent his youth in Acre, Syria and Lebanon and studied at the American university of Beirut. He went to Europe to learn French and English languages whose expenses were paid by Abdul Baha.
Having this skill, Einul Molk became familiar with warlord Asad Bakhtiyari and entered into his political group. Late Qajar dynasty and during Pahlavi periods of time, Einul Molk was the political representative of Iran in Syria, Lebanon, Egypt and the Saudi Arabia. His offspring studied in Beirut.[1]
The important note about generation of Baha’is and Babis who were semi-open minded from sheikh Ahmad Rouhi to Hoveyda is that the main descendants of Babism and Bahaism encountered people in next generations who possessed two characteristics:
I) They turned to being irreligious.
II) They kept their organizational belongings and relationships as possible.
These people were a mixture of secularism, activism and Bahaism. That is, they didn’t believe in any Bahaism teachings theologically. So, they were Laic.
This group share with the bigoted Baha’is in at least one element: Campaigning against Islam and clergymen.
Amir Abbas Hovayda says about his religion:
“I am basically laic and don’t believe in any religion. My mother was a holy woman and was continually reciting the holy Quran. My father’s religion was all about him. However, I am neither Muslim, nor Baha’i, nor the follower of any religion. I am laic and utmost pragmatist.”[۲]
Parviz Sabeti is so. In his book, “the event trap” he confesses his family is Baha’i and assumes himself to be beyond religions.”[۳]
People such as Sabeti hid their religion during Pahlavi regime and introduced themselves as humanists.
Of course, the fact that Sabeti doesn’t believe in Bahaism is understandable because first, Bahaism is not a religion in nature and it is a political organization which is trying to meet its semi-religious ideology of its interests and second there is a difference between Baha’ism mass and oligarchy. Maybe, they have figured out better that Bahaism is a forged religion. They are faithful and loyal to Bahaism because their profits are there.
Nowadays, it isn’t even suitable for Bahaism organization to include Parviz Sabeti who has tortured and killed many Iranian people as Baha’i.
So far, no study has been done about the group of Baha’is who were influential on Pahlavi government to answer the following questions:
– Have the Baha’i managers and politicians behaved in the direction of Bahaism organization aims or in the direction of the interests of Pahlavi government?
– How were their relationships with the universal house of justice organization and the Iranian central assembly?
– What have been the role of Baha’ism leaders in hidden conquer of power in Iran?
– Which measures have been done for strengthening Bahaism in Iran and proceeding the organization aims?
According to some documents, Hoveyda and Sabeti have met each other every Wednesday in prime minister office. Have such meetings been held participated by more Baha’is, too?
In general, the Baha’i heads and oligarchies possess two kinds of roles:
I) The role and behavior “as a Baha’i member whose result is helping the growth and influence of Bahaism more via the increase in number of Baha’is in governmental sectors.
II) The role and behavior “as a governmental executor who wasn’t so influenced by the organizational duties of Bahaism.
In the second role, differences and competitions were observed between Sabeti and Ayadi who were both Baha’is. Sabeti claimed for reporting to the Shah in 1350 S.H. about Abdul Karim Ayadi and Asadullah Alam’s sedition! [4]
The phenomenon of Baha’i identity apart from the Baha’i beliefs could be observable among the Baha’i mass and the younger generation of the Baha’is during Pahlavi periods of time. In this phenomenon, what gives identity to the Baha’is is bonding with Bahaism not the religious beliefs.
The administrative discipline or the organizational discipline of Bahaism form the real identity of Bahaism. So, it has caused its theological issues to be changed into an ideology to be applied for maintaining and strengthening this political organization.
[۱] Amir Abbas Hoveyda narrated by “the SAVAK documents, Tehran: the center of investigating the historical documents, 1382 S.H., Vol.1, pp.9-11.
[۲] Ibid, p.38.
[۳] Parviz Sabeti, in the event trap, Los Angeles, book company, 2012, p.21.
[۴] Sabeti, ibid, p. 17
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