Leyla Chaman Khah is the Iranian author and translator who was born in 1353 S.H. She is the assistant professor of political sciences department in Islamic Azad University. She has compiled three books concerning the deviant cult of Baha’ism subject. Additionally, she has written several articles.
The policies of Pahlavi Government concerning Baha’ism (1332-1357 S.H.): Leyla Chaman Khah, the assistant professor of the political sciences department in Islamic Azad University, Rafsanjan branch.
آنچه در ادامه می خوانید
Abstract:
The expansion of roles and the variety of the special activities of the contemporary government-nation in 20th century will affect on the ethnic, racial, religious and lingual groups concerning policies and their approaches. Consequently, the recognition of government as the most important foundation setting these policies is the first step in studying these groups. On the other side; contrary to what they seem, minorities are influenced social groups play key roles in taking various strategies inspired by their intellectual sources and teachings. In Iran, the opportunities for playing roles by Baha’is prepared during the years 1332 to 1357 S.H. influenced by formal irreligious policies and approaches. The concentration of power ended in removing the rival forces and finding new bases of power among those groups and social forces who were loyal with kingdom. Due to its theological teachings which were proselytizing the absolute obedience of the distinguished as one of the suitable cases supporting the kingdom. In this way, suitable circumstances were prepared for the political, social and economic activities of the Baha’is.
Introduction:
Alongside with the increase in the public and social duties and the expansion of political authorities, the governments are confronting with various layers of community more than before. Thus, some researchers believe that the minority issue must be considered as a political one which is categorized in political sciences framework or more exactly in the political sociology one which is required to be answered politically.
The study of the mutual relationships of governments and minority groups is an important part in studying minorities. Because the role of policies and the governmental features is important in both defining and setting the relationship between minority and majority.
The main hypothesis of this article is that the main secular nature of Muhammad Reza’s regime along with the necessities for making an absolute government and the peaceful behaviors of the Baha’is towards the Pahlavi regime can be considered as main variables in setting the corresponding relationship between them which were manifested in the form of cooperation, bestowing benefits and creating power base. So, the minority behavior feature played a key role in forming the policies of second Pahlavi.
Theoretical preparations:
The researchers and pundits who are interested in minorities and their relationships with central government are suggesting various patterns for setting the relationship between them. The intersection of most of them is based on the methodological and cognitive theories which are based on conflict resulting from the differences in benefits between the government and minorities. So, its solutions are based on the conditions of removing conflicts. These remarks are more sensible especially in the works which have investigated the various cultural and ethnic geography of the Middle East and Balkan. For instance, Mario Apostolov investigates three important factors to find the reasons for conflicts among the cultural identities and the central government: The political regime’s approach towards the cultural variety issue, the political changes of these regimes during time and foreign powers which have continually been doing repairs in the relationships among governments and the minorities. According to him, the role of the political regimes is more effective than the other factors because the relationships between the minorities with each other have been accompanied by conflict and have collapsed Balkan region and the Middle East in creating the suitable political foundations and in adapting various group identities. Apostolov concluded at the political onset, “and it needs the political solution, too. (Apostolov, 2001, pp. 1-3)
Moshe Ma’oz and Gabriel Sheffer have done a research about the Middle East minorities and have defined the aim on reasons for local instability and tension and have stressed on the role of four factors: The international environment, the necessities of the Middle East region, the political regimes, and the minority behavior. According to them, the interaction of these four factors has been the conflict in the Middle East. Ma’oz and Sheffer believe that the elites of iconized the community to decrease the effects of the international environment on their interior policies or have set their foreign policies towards strengthening and amplifying their relationships with the west. Both of them have become the circumstances of minorities worse and have made them be unsatisfied with the governmental policies. The international environment has dealt with the domestic policies of regimes against the minorities in other form. Several foreign buffoons have supported the group identities repressed by regimes and have provided conditions for these identities to harm the national sovereignty of the governments. According to them, the policies of the governments ruling the region have ended in repression of minorities. One of the other factors is intriguing minority conflicts. Additionally, because the culture of the ruling governments has mostly preached authoritarianism. They oppose presenting the identity debate of minorities and prefer security and expediency of regime as the first priority (Ma’oz & Sheffer, 2002, pp. 1-7)
The second Pahlavi secularism and the organizational development of Baha’ism (1332-1357)
Secularism of the Second Pahlavi can be considered as the first factor in setting and performing the three policies: cooperation, bestowing benefits and establishing the power base. Of course, this factor not only directly helps the administrative and organizational system of Baha’ism be developed, but also helps it remove the existent barrio. So, the quantitative expansion and the qualitative growth of Baha’ism in Iran in the second Pahlavi era can’t be considered as the product of the governmental plotted, disciplined and direct policy form the court, but it must be assumed as the result of the irreligious policies of the regime which used an impartial approach towards the religious varieties existent in the community. The policy of the regime in order to preserve the impartiality of the religious affairs of people, the irreligious diplomacy in the public domain which were accompanied by the limitation of clergymen’s powers are indicating the secular nature of the Pahlavi regime. During this period of time, the Baha’is were fulfilling their plans exploiting the circumstances.
Shoqi Effendi, the third and the last leader of Baha’ism had predicted plans to expand Baha’ism in Iran and other parts of the world which must be implemented by the universal house of justice –the most important administrative foundation of the Baha’is located at Haifa or the Iranian Baha’i spiritual assembly which was considered as the coordinator of the Baha’is affairs residing in Iran. The 10-year plan was the first one which had been predicted for the years 1332-1342.after that the 9-year, 3-year and 1-year plans were executed after finishing the first one (The faith news, 1338, pp. 115-116).
The 10-year plan included 28 detailed aims stressing on the increase in the number of the Baha’i followers across the world, the increase in the number of Baha’i regions, the increase in printing Baha’i works such as compiling and translating and etc.
The 9-year plan had general aims: Setting and compiling “the commandments of the book Aqdas, the Constitution and the regulations of the universal house of justice and etc.
However; in the next stage, the plan aims must be executed by the national assembly of each country. In 1345; in order for the execution to be facilitated, the new faith divisions were introduced. According to this command, “the holy country if Iran” was divided into 24parts (the faith news, 1345, p. 350).
The creation of the independent government and the entrance of the Baha’is into the structure of power
The first challenge of the court in this process was the prime minister, Zahedi. It enticed the king’s concern due to his role in the anti-Mosaddeq coup and supporting America by him. Additionally, due to dominating on the cabinet, Zahedi tried to make his candidate enter into Parliament; in order to establish an obedient one.
In the next stage that is the years after Zahedi’s downfall till earlier 1340s, four prime ministers (Hussein Ala’, Manouchehr Eqbal, Ja’far Sharif Imami and Ali Amini) gained power. Gradually, the court repressed national forces, the leftists and the religious ones. (Saniee, pp. 290-489)
Due to the inappetence of the national front in recruiting and organizing the new social forces, the new Iranian party was considered by the king for implementing the kings’ plans. (Milani, 1380, pp. 189-190)
The review on the members of the new Iranian party:
The twenty people of the executive board of the party and the members of Hassan Ali Mansour cabinet show that Baha’is welcomed joining it despite of their religious prohibition for being present in each kind of party and the political organization. Out of 25 executive panel members, 5 members were famous for being Baha’is Amir Abbas Hoveida, Ataullah Khosrawani, Farrakhrou Parsa, Mansour Roahani, Manouchehr Shah Qoli. Another Baha’i person who was known as Baha’i was Fathullah Sotoudeh.
Among 25 members of Mansour cabinet which main members were the members of the new Iranian party, the following members were the Baha’is; that is Abbas Aram, Ataullah Khosrawani, Asadullah Saniee, Amir Abbas Hoveyda and Mansoour Rowhani and one more Baha’i person called Fathullah Sotoudeh (the new Iranian part, 1380, p. 27).
Another future in determining the policy of Pahlavi government concerning the Baha’is during the years 1332-1357 which formed 3 approaches of cooperation, bestowing interests and creating power base was the behavior and action of the Baha’is concerning the regime.
Economy is another important factor in forming the behavior of minority. The religious teachings must be mentioned alongside with economy.
Another factor is modernation. It strengthens the bonds inside groups of a minority. It can also present concepts like the equality between men and women, the equality of religions and the lack of religious bigotry to minority groups.
Conclusion:
The study of the Pahlavi regime policies concerning the Baha’is during the years 1332-1357 needs the government nature to be investigated and so do the Baha’is behaviors. The establishment of Pahlavi regime can be assumed as an onset for formal and clear execution of the programs and policies to divide the foundation of religion from the government and weakening the role of clergymen in general atmosphere, policy arena and judicial and educational reforms to decrease the role of religion administrators.
Three variables of secularism, the necessities for creating the absolute regime and the behavior of minority are main factors in setting three approaches of cooperation, bestowing benefits and the power base. However, it is worthy to be mentioned that these formal approaches weren’t announced.
Sources:
۱- The documents existent in the center for the documents of the Islamic Revolution under the title of Baha’ism.
۲- Boshrouyeh, Hussein (1380), the barriers of the political developments in Iran, 1380. (Tehran, Gam-e-now)
۳- The new Iranian party narrated by SAVAK Documents (1380), Vol. 1 & 2, Tehran: The center for investigating the historical documents of intelligent service.
۴- Sinaee, Vahid, (1384), the absolute government, the military personals and the Iranian policy (1299-1357)
۵- The Aqdas (Bija, Bita, Bina)
۶- Ahang-e-Badi’a magazine, No. 7, year 18, No. 119, Mehr 1342 S.H., October 1963.
۷- Apostolov, Mario, 2001, Religious Minorities, Nation-States, and Security: Five Cases from The Balkans and Eastern Mediterranean, (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Co).
۸- Bayat, Mangol, 1982, Mysticism & Dissent, (Siracuse & Newyork, Siracuse University Press)
۹- Cole, Juan, 1989, Bahai Faith, “The faith”, Encyclopedia Iranica, Vol. III., (ed) Ehsan Yarshater, (London & New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul).
۱۰- Cole, Juan RI., 1992, Iranian Millenarianism and Democratic Thought in the 19”h Century, International Journal of Middle east Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1
۱۱- Esman Milton & Rahinovish, Itamar, 1988, Ethnicity, Pluralism and The State in The Middle East, (New York: Cornell University Press).
۱۲- Ma’dz, Moshe & Sheffer, Gabriel, 2002, Middle Eatern Minorities and Diasporas, (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press).
۱۳- Nisan, Mordchai, 2202, Minorities in The Middle East; History of Struggle and SelfExpression, (North Carolina & London: Macfarlen & Company Inc, Publishers).
۱۴- Smith, Peter & Momen, Moojan, 1989, “The Bahai Faith 1957-1988: A Survey of Contemporary Developments”, Academic Journal of Religion, Vol. 19.
